Pura Vida — Enhancing Cultural Competence in Costa Rica
By Claudia Dewane, LCSW, DEd, BCD

As a faculty member at a school of social work, I was excited to participate in a social work/Spanish immersion program in Costa Rica this past summer. My 19-year-old daughter, who is studying international relations in college, accompanied me. The program, cosponsored by the National Association of Social Workers - California and Norfolk State University School of Social Work, provides an opportunity for social workers, students, and others to have a comprehensive learning experience with a primary focus on Latino culture. Developing Spanish language skills and learning about Latino social issues and service delivery were the goals.

Each day, we attended Spanish classes for four hours and then attended social work lectures or visited local social service agencies, including a transitional residence for women who are domestic violence victims and a residential treatment center and school for children aged 3 to 18.

In Costa Rica, social workers are considered to be on the same level as attorneys and judges. They are highly respected professionals, primarily because they are viewed as social reformers. The social work profession in Costa Rica has three tiers. A license equivalent to a vocational degree is given to those who have completed two years of school, and a professional license is granted to those with a four-year degree in social work. Those with a master’s degree are equivalent to professors with doctorates.

Costa Rican culture is characterized by a pacifist, nationalistic self-sufficiency; the country is known as “the Switzerland of Central America.” They have no army and have remained neutral in Central American conflicts. The national saying is “pura vida,” which literally means “pure life,” and conveys a belief that “all is well; we live together in peace; life is good.” The axiom is everywhere. Despite this idyllic philosophy, social problems and the need for social workers remain.

Family Life
Living with a “tico” (Costa Rican family) was an invaluable experience. They were considered middle class in Costa Rica but would not be in the United States. What we consider a close-knit family in the United States does not come close to what is experienced there. The mother of the family spoke about how material things meant little to her, and that her children and extended family were most important in her life. She was 28 years old with a 10-year-old daughter and 8-year-old son. Having children so young with no formal education represented a value conflict for me; yet, her intense familial attachments are not far from those promulgated by my own Italian heritage.

The house was open air and several “amigos” would yell into the house as they drove or walked by. The mother’s sister lived next door, and her children were often in the house. Extended family surrounded them. I imagined immigrants trying to replicate this situation in the United States where challenges are often faced.

We were participants/observers in an ethnographic study as we watched the dynamics of this family. The roles of the family members were traditional. The husband worked in a supermarket; the mother attended to the home, children, and her parents. The children contentedly stayed with the family—they seemed to take delight in being with their parents. The parents were always willing to devote time to their children for a quick game of soccer on the front porch or cards at the kitchen table. The husband was always respectful of his wife. They shared the cooking. However, some of my classmates who were living with other families noted that the fathers would not assist in chores. As in the United States, some men are more “liberated” than others.

Communication is expressive, and nonverbal expression is paramount. Women dress modestly. Unfortunately some classmates did not understand that being in a foreign country meant abiding by the dress code and their attire appeared disrespectful and drew negative attention.

Time perception in Costa Rica was stereotypically casual. Dinner would be at various times, and school did not always start at the appointed hour. It seemed to work as well, if not better, than our time-driven society. This laid-back atmosphere undoubtedly contributes to the happiness and peace of the population. Stress seemed nonexistent.

Spiritual Life
The role of spirituality in this family—and apparently in most Costa Rican families—is taken for granted but not fanatically followed. The mother said grace before meals, but there was no church attendance on Sundays. There were religious objects in the house, and they spoke of “fe” (faith). The mother was proud of a traditional 30-kilometer religious walk she completed, a type of pilgrimage honoring the Virgen de Angeles, La Negrita. Walking on their knees to a church altar, the participants complete this ritual similar to those in other Catholic.

Cultural Observations
An example of the distinct differences between our cultures can be seen in the materialistic, money-driven value of the United States. The United States is an “individualistic-oriented culture,” whereas Costa Rica is collective oriented. (Lum, 2007). In the United States, one’s self-image and worth are often defined in personal, individual terms. In Costa Rica, one’s self worth and esteem are often tied to the group (James & Gilliland, 2005 as cited in Lum, 2007).

Obvious differences exist in resources and infrastructure. The local hospital would be considered primitive by U.S. standards, and roads are fractured and unmarked. People live modestly or in what we consider poverty. No signs of overt wealth were evident. And yet, they conveyed the feeling that they had all that was needed. We did not have access to hot water for bathing, but the father was proud that his water was not “frio” (cold) but rather “fresca” (tepid).

Latinos represent an amalgam of different histories, cultures, beliefs, and customs. According to the U.S. Census, Latinos in the United States consist of 29 subgroups (Delgado, 2007). In Costa Rica, it was evident that Costa Ricans consider themselves a breed apart. Nicaraguans that emigrated to the safer economic climate of Costa Rica were considered lower-class citizens and did the difficult labor that Costa Ricans preferred not to do. It seemed very similar to the way Mexicans migrant laborers are regarded in the United States.

Latinos are now the largest minority group in the United States. According to the 2002 U.S. Census supplement, Hispanics are primarily Mexican (66%); Central and South Americans represent 14.3%, Puerto Ricans 8.6%, and Cubanos 3.7%.

Coming to America
The following excerpt is taken from a lecture, “Conferencista: Diego Alvarez Alfaro,” provided at the school and aptly summarizes some of the adjustment issues encountered by Latino immigrants:

“Upon arriving in North America, the immigrant married couple confronts a different society full of new needs than can be difficult to accommodate. The pressures to which spouses are exposed can give rise to situations that end in domestic abuse, temporary or permanent separations, and problems with alcohol and drugs. When the marriage dissolves, both spouses frequently seek shelter in the homes of relatives or friends, which can cause new conflicts, especially for the woman to whom, in general, the care of the children devolves.”

Poverty, dissolution of the family, social isolation, migrant worker economy, citizenship, political violence, natural disasters, and limited opportunity for upward mobility are all reasons that Latinos emigrate to the United States (ibid). Looking at these issues, we could say that the very same ones, perhaps with the exclusion of political violence, are all experienced in the United States by immigrants.

Probably one of the most important barriers to effective service provision for Latinos in the United States lies in providers’ beliefs. In one of the lectures we attended, the professor spoke of the paternalism that social workers have. When asking us why we wanted to do social work, he pointed out answers like “I want to help people” or “I want to be a voice for the unheard” were paternalistic. He did not believe that speaking for anyone else can really help them. His philosophy is that we should empower people to speak for themselves, affording them social justice so they can help themselves and transform society so that help is not needed.

In pursuit of cultural competency, social workers should consider an international experience. To find out more about this social work program, visit www.acce.co.cr or the University of Costa Rica School of Social Work at www.ts.ucr.ac.cr.

— Claudia J. Dewane, LCSW, DEd, BCD, is a faculty member at Temple University’s Graduate School of Social Administration. She is founder of Clinical Support Associates, providing supervision, consultation, and training to professional social workers, and she has presented numerous workshops on clinical, supervisory, and ethical issues in social work.

The author wishes to thank her daughter, Maggie Dewane, for assistance with this article. Maggie is a student at Seton Hall University studying diplomacy and international relations.

References
Delgado, M. (2007). Social work with latinos: A cultural assets paradigm. New York: Oxford University Press.
Lum, D. (2007). Culturally competent practice: A framework for understanding diverse groups & justice issues. Stamford, CT: Cengage Learning.